Mengapa Rakyat Biak Menolak Peluncuran Satelit Rusia

Artikel ini pernah dipublikasi di Suara Pembaruan, 8 Oktober 2007. 

Mengapa Rakyat  Biak Menolak Peluncuran Satelit Rusia

Oleh George Junus Aditjondro

Sekitar 2.000 warga desa Pulau Biak di Tanah Papua, terdiri atas orang tua, anak-anak, laki-laki dan perempuan dewasa, berdemonstrasi di kantor DPRD Biak, Kamis, 4 Oktober lalu. Mereka menolak peluncuran satelit Rusia dari bandara Frans Kaisiepo, sebagaimana disepakati Presiden Vladimir Putin dan Presiden SBY di Kuala Lumpur, 14 Desember 2005. Kesepakatan ini dipertegas ketika keduanya bertemu di Jakarta, Kamis, 6 September lalu. 

Masyarakat adat Biak itu melakukan long march  dari bandara Frans Kaisiepo ke kantor DPRD, setelah pemuka adat mereka memutuskan untuk menolak peluncuran satelit itu. Mereka juga menuntut mundurnya bupati  dan Ketua DPRD Biak yang memberikan izin kepada pemerintah pusat untuk peluncuran satelit itu, tanpa analisis mengenai dampak lingkungan (amdal) dan tanpa konsultasi dengan masyarakat adat se Kepulauan Biak, yang meliputi tiga pulau besar, Biak, Supiori dan Numfor, serta pulau-pulau kecil di sekelilingnya. 

Seratus Kali Setahun

Aksi massa semacam ini jarang sekali terjadi di Biak, setelah aksi massa di Kota Biak tanggal 6 Juli 1998, berakhir dengan kematian 150 orang di ujung peluru aparat. Kali ini, aksi ini diorganisir oleh Dewan Adat Biak, terpicu oleh berita-berita persiapan peluncuran satelit Rusia itu yang makin gencar. Memang, jadual  peluncuran satelit itu sudah digeser ke tahun 2010. Tapi perusahaan kongsi Indonesia-Rusia untuk menangani peluncuran satelit itu sudah terbentuk. Bermitra dengan Air Launch Aerospace Corporation dari Rusia, PT Alai (Air Launch Aerospace Indonesia) mengharapkan lampu hijau untuk seratus kali peluncuran satelit dalam setahun, selama 12 tahun ke depan (DPA, 5 September 2007). 

Alasan Dewan Adat Biak menolak rencana itu pertama-tama karena masyarakat pemilik hak ulayat tanah bandara Frans Kaisiepo dan sekitarnya belum dilibatkan dalam proses yang sudah berjalan selama dua tahun. Makanya, aksi penolakan itu dipelopori oleh enam marga (keret) pemilik tanah ulayat bandara, yakni Yarangga, Rumaropen, Rumbiak, Ronsumbre, Simopiaref dan Wakum. Namun lewat musyawarah Dewan Adat Biak, seluruh marga di Pulau-Pulau Biak, Supiori, dan Numfor sepakat menolak rencana peluncuran satelit itu. 

Alasan kedua, Pemkab dan DPRD Biak tidak pernah transparan dalam memberi legitimasi kepada pemerintah pusat, yang mereka anggap “penggadaian” masyarakat adat setempat. Masyarakat setempat tidak pernah diberitahu dampak positif maupun negatif dari peluncuran satelit itu. 

Posisi masyarakat adat bahkan tidak diperhitungkan sama sekali dalam kesepakatan antara pemerintah Indonesia dan Rusia, khususnya dalam soal hak, kewajiban, jaminan keamanan, dan royalty. Ujung-ujungnya, Dewan Adat Biak menuntut semua tanah adat masyarakat Biak yang selama ini diklaim oleh TNI/AU dan TNI/AL, dikembalikan kepada rakyat tanpa syarat. 

Keberatan Dewan Adat Biak cukup masuk akal, melihat kecelakaan yang mungkin terjadi dalam peluncuran satelit yang harus digandeng ke orbit oleh sebuah roket, yang sudah sering terjadi di AS dan Uni Soviet, yang kini tinggal meliputi Rusia. Kamis, 6 September lalu, roket Proton-M milik Rusia yang membawa satelit komunikasi Jepang meledak sesudah lepas landas dari pangkalan Baikonur di Kazakhstan, jam 2: 43 dini hari waktu Rusia. Roket itu meledak setelah gangguan mesin dan gangguan dalam pelepasan tingkat dua roket itu, 139 menit setelah terbang, dan jatuh di stepa Kazakhstan, 50 km sebelah tenggara kota Dzhezkazgan (RIA Novosti,  7 September 2007). 

Nah, kalau kecelakaan serupa terjadi dalam peluncuran satelit dari bandara Frans Kaisiepo, kepingan-kepingan roket dan satelit bisa terhambur ke antero Teluk Saireri, termasuk ke pulau-pulau Numfor, Yapen, serta pulau-pulau lain yang lebih dekat ke Tanah Besar, yang sangat membahayakan penduduk dan pelayar di teluk itu. Makanya, Dewan Adat Papua berencana mengadakan seminar nasional soal rencana ini di Jakarta. 

Dewan Adat

Secara sosiologis, penolakan Dewan Adat Biak memperkukuh hak-hak adat orang Papua. Berbeda dengan suku-suku di Pegunungan Tengah yang mengenal sistem “orang besar”, juga berbeda dengan sistem kepala suku (ondofolo) dan kepala suku besar (ondofolo besar), seperti almarhum Theys Eluay, pola kepemimpinan orang Biak sangat demokratis dan egaliter. 

Setiap keret  (marga) memunculkan mambri masing-masing, semacam ksatria atau jagoan. Tapi kemunculannya harus didukung kemahiran berdiplomasi serta memimpin ekspedisi-ekspedisi dagang dan perang di masa lalu, atau raak  dalam bahasa Biak. Seorang mambri juga  tidak berkuasa mutlak atas marganya. 

Egaliterisme itu tidak mencegah munculnya stratifikasi dalam susunan organisasi adat masyarakat Biak sekarang, yang meliputi penduduk asli Pulau Supiori dan Pulau Numfor. Ada empat lapis mananwir,  atau pemuka adat, seperti dijelaskan Yotam Wakum, pengurus Dewan Adat Biak Urusan Hukum dan Advokasi, kepada penulis, Kamis, 14 September lalu. 

Pelapisan mananwir  itu sebagai berikut. Setiap marga punya mananwir keret, lalu, setiap kumpulan marga punya mananwir batas. Selanjutnya, setiap kampung atau mnu  punya mananwir mnu, kemudian sejumlah kampung punya mananwir bar,  atau mananwir wilayah.  Semua mananwir itu dibawahi oleh seorang Mananwir Beba Byak,  yang menjabat sebagai Ketua Dewan Adat Biak, Yan Pieter Yarangga. Kedudukannya dalam struktur adat setingkat dengan Bupati. 

Keputusan Dewan Adat Biak untuk menolak peluncuran satelit diambil setelah berkonsultasi dengan ketiga lapis mananwir itu. Dengan demikian, konsensus itu sudah sangat mengikat. 

Perlu juga diingat bahwa anak rantau Biak-Numfor tersebar sampai ke Tanah Besar. Banyak di antara mereka memegang posisi penting di lembaga-lembaga eksekutif, legislatif, pendidikan, dan dalam Dewan Adat Papua. Mereka juga tidak akan ikhlas mengorbankan tanah leluhur mereka untuk kepentingan suatu perusahaan peluncur satelit, yang tidak jelas manfaatnya bagi rakyat kecil di kampung-kampung leluhur mereka. 

Makanya, pemerintah pusat harus berfikir ulang dua tiga kali, sebelum melanjutkan rencana “penggadaian” Pulau Biak kepada perusahaan peluncur satelit, meminjam istilah Dewan Adat Biak. Apalagi karena penolakan Dewan Adat Biak sudah didukung oleh Dewan Adat Papua, yang ingin memperluas pembahasan tentang dampak peluncuran satelit ini ke seputar Teluk Saireri, yang meliputi pulau-pulau Numfor dan Yapen, serta daratan Waropen, Nabire, dan Mnukuar, yang disalahtulis orang luar menjadi Manokwari (mnu kwar = kampung lama, tempat pemukiman diaspora Biak-Numfor di daratan Tanah Besar). 

Meremehkan keputusan Dewan Adat Biak, atau melarang seminar nasional Dewan Adat Papua tentang topik ini, bertentangan dengan UU No. 21/1001 tentang Otonomi Khusus Papua. Sebab dalam UU itu, kekhususan Papua terletak pada pengakuan terhadap adat istiadat sekitar 250 suku yang menghuni separuh pulau Papua itu. 

Akhirnya, perlawanan rakyat Biak ini sekali lagi mengingatkan kita bahwa kesejahteraan rakyat tidak dapat diciptakan hanya oleh segelintir politisi di Jakarta, dengan dukungan pemodal asing dan domestik, dengan memperalat ‘orang-orang pintar’ yang sesungguhnya tidak mengerti kemauan rakyat kecil di kampung-kampung. 

Penulis pernah bermukim dan bekerja untuk pengembangan masyarakat di Papua Barat (1982-1987). Bukunya, Cahaya Bintang Kejora: Papua Barat dalam Kajian Sejarah, Budaya, Ekonomi, dan Hak Asasi Manusia, diterbitkan oleh Elsam, Jakarta, tahun 2000. Ia dapat dihubungi di: georgejunusaditjondro@gmail.com

Perjuangan Masyarakat Adat Demi Perlindungan dan Penghormatan Hak-Haknya

Akarnya: Debat tentang Rasisme dan Diskriminasi Rasial 

Masyarakat adat telah lama berpartisipasi dalam pengembangan komunitas internasional. Delegasi adat pertama melobi Liga Bangsa-Bangsa di Jenewa pada tahun 1923. Beberapa bangsa pribumi telah menandatangani perjanjian dengan para kolonial kulit putih. Karena perjanjian mereka tidak dihormati, mereka ingin menyerukan Liga untuk menghormati kedaulatan bangsa mereka. Namun, tidak ada ruang di Liga untuk partisipasi penuh bagi kelompok non-Negara. Organisasi Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB) dibentuk dengan cara yang berbeda dari Liga Bangsa Bangsa. Pada akhir Perang Dunia II, untuk menghindari pengulangan pengalaman selama beberapa dekade terakhir, para Pengendali Kekuatan berusaha untuk membangun sistem perdamaian dan keamanan yang lebih berkelanjutan. Memang, mereka memberlakukan persyaratan mereka (mis. Kekuasaan veto di Dewan Keamanan), tetapisistem baru memiliki ketentuan penegakan hukum yang lebih jelas. Ditandatangani di San Francisco pada tanggal 26 Juni 1945, Piagam PBB memuat prinsipprinsip dasar, khususnya non-agresi, penghormatan terhadap kedaulatan negara, integritas wilayah, tidak campur tangan dalam masalah-masalah domestik, dan kerja sama dengan PBB. Pada saat yang sama, tujuan utama untuk Organisasi yang baru diproklamirkan ini: perdamaian dan keamanan, pembangunan, keadilan sosial dan hak asasi manusia. Piagam PBB merupakan kewajiban hukum bagi semua Negara anggota PBB untuk mempromosikan dan melindungi hak asasi manusia. Bertentangan dengan sistem Liga Bangsa-Bangsa, PBB mulai dengan memproklamirkan hak asasi manusia sebagai salah satu tujuan utamanya

Konsep perlindungan umum dan hak asasi manusia universal muncul. 

Piagam PBB memuat beberapa artikel tentang promosi dan perlindungan hak asasi manusia, khususnya prinsip-prinsip kesetaraan dan non-diskriminasi ‘tanpa membedakan ras, jenis kelamin, bahasa atau agama’. Ini memperkuat Dewan Ekonomi dan Sosial (ECOSOC) untuk membuat Komisi Hak Asasi Manusia (Pasal 68), yang didirikan pada awal 1946. Pada tahun 1948 Komisi dan Majelis Umum mengadopsi Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia (UDHR). Dan PBB mengembangkan tindakan prinsipil terhadap kebijakan diskriminasi rasial dan segregasi dan apartheid, dan mendukung dekolonisasi negara-negara dan wilayah-wilayah jajahan dan kolonial lainnya. PBB juga menjadi organisasi universal. Pada 2 November 1972, Majelis Umum PBB mendeklarasikan Dekade untuk Memerangi Rasisme dan Diskriminasi Rasial (1973 - 1983).3 Sebagai bagian dari Dekade, PBB mengadakan Konferensi Dunia pertama untuk Memerangi Rasisme dan Diskriminasi Rasial (Jenewa, 14 hingga 25) Agustus 1978). Dalam proses mempersiapkan konferensi, sebuah inisiatif besar diambil mengenai masyarakat adat oleh Konferensi LSM (CONGO), yaitu organisasi Konferensi Internasional pertama tentang Diskriminasi Terhadap Penduduk Asli (Jenewa, 20 hingga 23 September 1977). Lebih dari 200 delegasi berpartisipasi, termasuk perwakilan masyarakat adat dari seluruh dunia. Dewan Gereja SeDunia (World Council of Churches) berperan penting dalam merealisasikan konferensi ini. 

Catatan kaki: Charter of the United Nations, Art.1, al. 2, 3, and Art. 55. Moreover, Article 76 states that one of the objectives of the UN trusteeship system is to encourage the respect for rights and freedoms. Resolution 3057 (XXVIII) of 2 November 1972. Konferensi non-pemerintah kedua diadakan pada 1981 tentang masalah masyarakat adat dan hak atas tanah. PBB mengadakan Konferensi Dunia Kedua untuk Memerangi Rasisme dan Diskriminasi Rasial (Jenewa, 1-12 Agustus 1983). Majelis Umum menyatakan Dekade Kedua untuk Memerangi Rasisme dan Diskriminasi Rasial (1983 - 1993).

Laporan Martinez Cobo (1973 - 1985) 

Tidak sampai awal 70-an istilah 'pribumi' mulai digunakan. Pada tahun 1971, Dewan ECOSOC memberi wewenang kepada Sub-Komisi untuk Pencegahan Diskriminasi dan Perlindungan Minoritas ('Sub-Komisi') untuk membuat studi komprehensif tentang masalah diskriminasi terhadap penduduk asli dan untuk menyarankan langkah-langkah nasional dan internasional untuk menghilangkan diskriminasi tersebut.5 Sub-Komisi menunjuk salah satu anggotanya, Bapak José Martinez Cobo (Ekuador), sebagai Pelapor Khusus. Sejak 1973 dan seterusnya, dengan bantuan substansial dari Sekretariat PBB, khususnya Tn. Diaz Willemsen (Guatemala), Tn. Martinez Cobo menghasilkan serangkaian laporan terperinci yang dibahas oleh rekan-rekannya selama sesi tahunan Sub-Komisi. Laporan terakhirnya diadopsi oleh Sub-Komisi pada tahun 1984 dan oleh Dewan ECOSOC pada tahun 1985.6

Kelompok Kerja untuk Penduduk Asli (1982 - 2005) 

Dengan dua Konferensi Dunia Menentang Rasisme, dengan diskusi tentang laporan Martinez Cobo, dan dengan dukungan kuat oleh Sekretariat PBB yang dipimpin oleh Theo Van Boven, Sub-Komisi memperoleh pada Mei 1982 otorisasi dari Dewan ECOSOC untuk membentuk Kelompok Kerja tentang Penduduk Asli / Masyarakat Adat (WGIP), yang terdiri dari lima anggotanya, 'untuk meninjau perkembangan yang berkaitan dengan promosi dan perlindungan hak asasi manusia dan kebebasan mendasar penduduk asli, dan untuk memberikan perhatian khusus pada evolusi standar mengenai hak-hak populasi tersebut'. Ketua pertamanya adalah Prof. Asbjorn Eide (Norwegia). Dia diganti oleh Ibu Erica-Irene Daes (Yunani), yang memimpin Grup selama bertahun-tahun. Dari 1982 hingga 2005, WGIP telah menjadi badan utama di PBB untuk menerima dan meninjau informasi tentang situasi hak asasi manusia masyarakat adat, untuk menyiapkan studi tentang pola utama masalah dan pelanggaran, dan untuk menyusun standar internasional. Sesi tahunan 1 minggu selama Musim Panas di Jenewa8 menjadi pertemuan tahunan terbesar perwakilan adat dari seluruh dunia. Bekerja sama dengan perwakilan masyarakat adat, pekerjaan WGIP sangat penting dalam bidang penetapan standar. Butuh lebih dari 20 tahun untuk mengadopsi rancangan Deklarasi PBB tentang Hak-Hak Masyarakat Adat.

Masyarakat Adat dalam Agenda PBB Resolusi Sub-Komisi yang mendukung laporan dan rekomendasi WGIP memasukkannya dalam agenda Komisi Hak Asasi Manusia di Dewan ECOSOC dan, pada akhirnya di Majelis Umum. 

Pada 1993 merupakan titik balik dalam musyawarah PBB tentang masalah adat. Pada tanggal 18 Desember 1990, Majelis Umum menyatakan tahun 1993 sebagai Tahun Internasional Masyarakat Adat Dunia. Pada Juni 1993, isu-isu adat menjadi pusat pembicaraan di Konferensi Dunia Hak Asasi 4 Resolution 38/14 of 22 November 1983. 5 ECOSOC resolution 1589 (L) of 21 May 1971. 6 The reports are issued in five volumes as E/CN.4/Sub.2/1986/7. 7 ECOSOC resolution 1892/34 of 7 May 1982. 8 The WGIP 1986 session was cancelled. The International Service for Human Rights (ISHR) organized and funded the meeting. The five members and many indigenous organizations attended (Hotel Grenil, Geneva). Page 3 of 6 Manusia di Wina, Austria. Sementara hasil akhir berisi batasan-batasan serius (yaitu menghilangkan 's' dalam ‘indigenous peoples', sehingga menolak karakter kolektif hak-hak mereka), Deklarasi Wina dan Program Aksi (VDPA) menyerukan adopsi rancangan Deklarasi yang disiapkan oleh WGIP, proklamasi Dekade Internasional dan, selama Dekade itu, pembentukan forum permanen PBB untuk masyarakat adat. Segera setelah Wina, WGIP dan Sub-Komisi menyelesaikan rancangan Deklarasi yang secara resmi diadopsi oleh Kelompok Kerja dan Sub-Komisi pada tahun 1994. Majelis Umum memproklamasikan Dasawarsa Internasional Masyarakat Adat Dunia (1995-2004) dan menyatakan dukungan untuk proposal mengenai forum permanen.9 Komisi menambahkan item khusus pada masalah pribumi ke dalam agendanya. Itu menciptakan Kelompok Kerja untuk menegosiasikan rancangan Deklarasi yang diajukan oleh Sub-Komisi, dan Kelompok lain untuk mempersiapkan pembuatan forum permanen. Satu Dekade Internasional Kedua untuk Masyarakat Adat Dunia dideklarasikan oleh Majelis Umum pada tahun 2005.

Forum Permanen tentang Masalah Pribumi 

Dokumen Wina menyerukan pembentukan Forum Permanen sebelum akhir Dekade pertama ini. Kelompok Komisi pada forum permanen mengadakan sesi pertamanya dari 15 hingga 19 Februari 1999 di bawah kepemimpinan Mr. Richard Van Rijssen (Belanda). Usulannya diadopsi pada tahun 2000 oleh Komisi dan Dewan ECOSOC, dan, pada bulan Juli 2000, Forum Permanen PBB untuk Masalah-Masalah Pribumi (UNPFII) dibentuk sebagai badan penasihat untuk ECOSOC.10 Mandat Forum adalah untuk membahas isu-isu adat terkait dengan pembangunan ekonomi dan sosial, budaya, lingkungan, pendidikan, kesehatan dan hak asasi manusia. Ini memberikan Dewan ECOSOC dan program-program PBB, dana dan saran pakar lembaga dan rekomendasi tentang masalah adat. Forum ini meningkatkan kesadaran dan mempromosikan integrasi dan koordinasi kegiatan yang terkait dengan masalah adat dalam sistem PBB. Ini terdiri dari 16 ahli, delapan dicalonkan oleh pemerintah dan delapan oleh organisasi adat di wilayah mereka. 6. Pelapor Khusus PBB untuk Hak-Hak Masyarakat Adat Pada tahun 2001, Komisi Hak Asasi Manusia menciptakan mandat Pelapor Khusus untuk hak-hak masyarakat adat. Pemegang mandat pertama adalah Dr. Rodolfo Stavenhagen (Meksiko, 2001 - 2008), diikuti oleh Prof. James Anaya (AS, 2008 - 2014), dan saat ini oleh Ibu Victoria Lucia Tauli Corpuz (Filipina). Prosedur khusus ini telah dikonfirmasi dan diperpanjang oleh Dewan HAM PBB.

Deklarasi PBB tentang Hak-Hak Masyarakat Adat 

Negosiasi tentang Deklarasi dalam Kelompok Kerja Komisi memakan waktu bertahun-tahun. Grup akhirnya mengadopsi konsepnya selama sesi 2005. Pada bulan Maret 2006, Majelis Umum menggantikan Komisi Hak Asasi Manusia oleh Dewan Hak Asasi Manusia (‘Dewan HAM). Dengan demikian, Dewan HAMlah yang mengadopsi rancangan tersebut pada sesi pertamanya pada bulan Juni 2006. Pada tahun yang sama, dengan resolusi 61/178 tanggal 20 Desember 2006, Majelis Umum menunda pertimbangan rancangan untuk memungkinkan lebih banyak konsultasi. Deklarasi tentang Hak-Hak Masyarakat Adat pada akhirnya diadopsi oleh Majelis Umum pada bulan September 2007. Deklarasi PBB tentang Hak-Hak Masyarakat Adat bukanlah perjanjian (mengikat). Namun, ini adalah instrumen hukum paling komprehensif yang merinci hak-hak masyarakat adat dalam hukum dan kebijakan internasional, yang memuat standar minimum untuk pengakuan, perlindungan, dan promosi hak-hak ini. Ini menegaskan prinsip non-diskriminasi dan hak untuk menentukan nasib sendiri: masyarakat adat memiliki hak untuk secara bebas menentukan status politik mereka dan secara bebas mengejar pembangunan ekonomi, sosial dan budaya mereka. Hak politik utama adalah hak mereka untuk berpartisipasi dalam pengambilan keputusan dalam hal-hal yang mempengaruhi mereka, dan kewajiban Negara untuk berkonsultasi dan bekerja sama dengan mereka untuk mendapatkan persetujuan bebas, didahulukan dan diinformasikan sebelum mengadopsi dan menerapkan langkah-langkah legislatif atau administratif yang dapat mempengaruhi mereka. (Pasal 18). Deklarasi ini juga mengakui hak masyarakat adat atas tanah, wilayah dan sumber daya mereka, termasuk yang secara tradisional dipegang oleh mereka tetapi sekarang dikendalikan oleh orang lain sebagai fakta dan juga hukum. Hak-hak masyarakat adat, menurut definisi, adalah hak kolektif. 8. Badan PBB lainnya, Program PBB, Dana dan Agensi Dalam proses-proses tersebut di atas, badan-badan pengawas perjanjian PBB memainkan peran penting, terutama Komite Penghapusan Diskriminasi Rasial (CERD). Dalam pemeriksaan banyak laporan Negara, Komite-Komite memasukkan dalam ketetapan pengamatan kesimpulan mereka mengenai masyarakat adat di negara-negara yang bersangkutan. Selain itu, beberapa Komite mengadopsi Komentar Umum tentang masalah ini, seperti Komentar Umum No. 23 dari CERD tentang tanah dan sumber daya alam, persetujuan bebas dan terinformasi dari masyarakat adat, Komentar Umum No. 11 CRC (Komite Hak Anak) tentang anak-anak asli. Pada tahun 1985, PBB menciptakan Dana Sukarela untuk Penduduk Asli. Dana tersebut membantu membiayai partisipasi perwakilan masyarakat adat (masyarakat dan organisasi) dalam musyawarah WGIP dan kemudian dalam Kelompok Kerja Komisi tentang Rancangan Deklarasi. Kontribusi sukarela diterima dari pemerintah, organisasi non-pemerintah dan entitas swasta atau publik lainnya13 . Hak-hak masyarakat adat juga terbukti menjadi isu yang serius dibahas di Konferensi PBB tentang Lingkungan dan Pembangunan (KTT Bumi), yang berlangsung di Rio de Janeiro (3 - 14 Juni 1992). Deklarasi tentang Lingkungan dan Pembangunan yang diadopsi oleh KTT berisi 27 prinsip, yang banyak di antaranya menyangkut masalah adat. Hal yang sama berlaku untuk Program Aksi Rio untuk Pembangunan Berkelanjutan (Agenda 21), khususnya Bab 10, 15 dan 26 tentang 'pengakuan dan penguatan peran populasi penduduk asli dan komunitas mereka', dan untuk pekerjaan Komisi Pembangunan Berkelanjutan. Program PBB, seperti UNDP dan UNICEF, mengelaborasi program khusus untuk masyarakat adat, sedangkan Konferensi Dunia PBB lainnya mengadopsi ketentuan konkret mengenai masyarakat adat, termasuk Konferensi Internasional tentang Kependudukan dan Pembangunan (Kairo, 1994), KTT Sosial (Kopenhagen, 1995) dan Konferensi Dunia tentang Perempuan (Bejing, 1995). 9. ILO (Organisasi Perburuhan International) dan Organisasi Antar-Pemerintah lainnya 13 Mandat Agenda Pendanaan diperluas pada tahun 2001 untuk sesi-sesi Forum Permanen, pada tahun 2008 untuk memfasilitasi kehadiran di Mekanisme Pakar tentang Hak-Hak Masyarakat Adat, dan lagi pada tahun 2010 dan 2012 untuk mencakup partisipasi mereka dalam Dewan Hak Asasi Manusia, badan perjanjian hak asasi manusia dan Konferensi Dunia 2014 tentang Masyarakat Adat. Page 5 of 6 Organisasi Perburuhan Internasional (ILO) adalah organisasi antar pemerintah (IGO) pertama yang menangani hak-hak masyarakat adat. Pada Juni 1957, Konferensi ILO mengadopsi Konvensi mengenai perlindungan dan integrasi penduduk asli dan suku-suku lain atau semi-suku di negaranegara independen (Konvensi 107), yang mulai berlaku pada 2 Juni 1959. Konvensi ini dilengkapi oleh Konvensi mengenai masyarakat adat dan suku di negara-negara independen (Konvensi 169), yang disetujui oleh Konferensi ILO pada Juni 1989, dan mulai berlaku pada 5 September 1991. IGO (Organisasi antar Pemerintah lain semakin terlibat dalam masalah adat, khususnya Organisasi Kesehatan Dunia (WHO), Organisasi Kekayaan Intelektual Dunia (WIPO) dan UNESCO. 10. Mekanisme Pakar tentang Hak-Hak Masyarakat Adat Resolusi Majelis Umum 60/251 tanggal 15 Maret 2006 menggantikan Komisi Hak Asasi Manusia oleh Dewan HAM mengamanatkan Dewan untuk 'mengambil, meninjau dan, jika perlu, meningkatkan dan merasionalisasi semua mandat, mekanisme, fungsi dan tanggung jawab Komisi untuk memelihara sistem prosedur khusus, saran ahli dan prosedur pengaduan '(OP-6). Butuh badan PBB yang baru ini satu tahun untuk bernegosiasi dan mengadopsi 'paket pembangunan institusi' nya. Dewan pada tahun 2007 menciptakan Mekanisme Pakar baru tentang Hak-Hak Masyarakat Adat (EMRIP). Mandatnya adalah untuk memberikan keahlian tematis kepada Dewan HAM tentang hakhak masyarakat adat, dengan cara dan bentuk yang diminta oleh Dewan, dan untuk berfokus terutama pada studi dan saran berbasis penelitian. EMRIP tidak secara tepat menggantikan Kelompok Kerja sebelumnya tentang Penduduk Asli, karena ia tidak dapat memutuskan tema-tema penelitiannya. Itu tidak bisa meninjau situasi masyarakat adat, atau mengadopsi resolusi. EMRIP terdiri dari tujuh ahli independen. Anggotanya adalah: Ms. Kristen Carpenter (Amerika Serikat), Ms. Megan Davis (Australia), Mr. Belkacem Lounes (Algeria), Mr. Edtami Mansayagan (Filipina), Mr. Rodion Sulyandziga (Federasi Rusia), Ms. Laila Vars (Norwegia), Ibu Erika M. Yamada (Brasil). Mereka ditunjuk oleh Dewan-SDM mengikuti prosedur yang sama seperti untuk Pelapor Khusus. Studi pertama EMRIP berfokus pada hak masyarakat adat atas pendidikan (2009) dan pada hak mereka untuk berpartisipasi dalam pengambilan keputusan (2011). Sejak itu, EMRIP telah menyerahkan laporan tentang peran bahasa dan budaya dalam melindungi hak dan identitas masyarakat adat, tentang akses terhadap keadilan, tentang hak mereka untuk berpartisipasi dalam pengambilan keputusan (dengan fokus pada industri ekstraktif) dan tentang praktik terbaik terkait implementasi Deklarasi PBB tentang Hak-Hak Masyarakat Adat. 11. Konfrensi Dunia tentang Masyarakat Adat Pada bulan Desember 2010, Majelis Umum PBB memutuskan untuk mengadakan, pertemuan pleno tingkat tinggi Majelis, yang dikenal sebagai Konferensi Dunia tentang Masyarakat Adat, untuk berbagi perspektif dan praktik terbaik tentang realisasi hak-hak masyarakat adat yang dinyatakan dalam Deklarasi PBB (resolusi 65/198). Untuk menentukan modalitas untuk Konferensi, Majelis meminta Presidennya untuk melakukan konsultasi dengan Negara-negara Anggota, perwakilan masyarakat adat (dalam kerangka Forum Permanen), EMRIP dan Pelapor Khusus. Pada 2011 dan 2012, Forum Permanen melakukan diskusi pleno tentang pandangan masyarakat adat. EMRIP dan Pelapor Khusus juga berkontribusi pada proses brainstorming. Presiden Majelis ke-66 menunjuk Duta Besar Luis Alfonso de Alba (Meksiko) dan Bapak John Henriksen (Perwakilan Parlemen Sami Norwegia) untuk memfasilitasi modalitas dan pengaturan untuk Konferensi Dunia. Kedua fasilitator menegosiasikan proposal yang diadopsi oleh Majelis. Dalam resolusi 66/296 tanggal 17 September 2012, Majelis memutuskan bahwa Konferensi akan Page 6 of 6 diadakan pada September 2014 di New York dan akan menghasilkan dokumen hasil yang berorientasi pada tindakan singkat. Resolusi itu juga menangani masalah organisasi. Organisasi, jaringan, dan koalisi masyarakat adat mengorganisasikan diri mereka untuk terlibat dalam proses tersebut. Pada Januari 2012, sebuah Pertemuan Curah Pendapat Penduduk Asli tentang Konferensi Dunia (diadakan di Kopenhagen) membentuk Kelompok Koordinasi Global (GCG) yang terdiri dari tujuh wilayah sosial dan budaya yang diidentifikasi oleh penduduk asli di dunia dan oleh kaukus pemuda adat dan perempuan adat. Masyarakat adat mengadakan Konferensi Persiapan Pribumi Global mereka di Alta, Norwegia (10 - 12 Juni 2013). Dalam perjalanan tujuh pertemuan regional dan satu pertemuan global untuk mempersiapkan Konferensi, organisasi-organisasi pribumi menunjuk John Henriksen sebagai co-fasilitator untuk melanjutkan praktik yang ditetapkan selama Majelis ke-66. Pada awal 2014, sejumlah pertanyaan masih belum terjawab. Beberapa Negara, khususnya Rusia dan Negara-negara Asia, menentang penunjukan co-fasilitator. Presiden Majelis mengambil beberapa keputusan terbatas, yang oleh banyak organisasi adat dianggap tidak dapat diterima. Pada akhirnya, dua Negara Anggota dan dua penasihat pribumi ditunjuk untuk mendukung Presiden dalam persiapan dokumen hasil. Pendekatan itu membantu memastikan peluang bagi masyarakat adat untuk berkontribusi dalam proses.

Teologi Politik J.B. Metz & Gerakan Pembebasan

a. Biografia

Metz lahir pada 5 Agustus 1928 di Auerbach in der Oberpfalz dan dibesarkan di sana. Sebagai seorang remaja, Metz direkrut menjadi militer Jerman pada tahun 1944, menjelang akhir Perang Dunia Kedua. Enam bulan sebelum berakhirnya perang, dia ditangkap oleh Amerika dan dikirim ke tahanan kamp perang di Maryland dan kemudian Virginia. Setelah perang, ia pindah kembali ke Jerman. Ia belajar teologi dan filsafat dari tahun 1948, pertama di Bamberg, kemudian di Munich dan di Universitas Innsbruck. Ia menyelesaikan disertasinya tentang pemikiran filsafat Martin Heidegger pada tahun 1951. Metz ditahbiskan menjadi imam pada tahun 1954, bekerja dalam pelayanan dari tahun 1958 hingga 1961. Dia kemudian dipromosikan Ph.D., dengan sebuah karya pada teologi Thomas Aquinas di bawah bimbingan Karl Rahner. Pengalamannya dalam perang cocok dengan teolog Calvinis Jerman Jürgen Moltmann yang akan terus menulis dengan Metz tentang teologi politik dengan latar belakang konfrontasi langsung dengan Nazisme. Pada tahun 1962-1963, ia diberikan beasiswa dari Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft.

Ia adalah profesor Teologi Fundamental di Universitas Münster dari tahun 1963 hingga 1993, di mana ia mengembangkan Teologi setelah Auschwitz (teologi Holocaust). Dia memperkenalkan ide-ide filosofis dan politik tahun 1968, oleh Ernst Bloch dan Sekolah Frankfurt Max Horkheimer dan Theodor W. Adorno, dalam teologi, yang diterima dengan oposisi. Konsep- konsepnya diterapkan oleh teologi pembebasan di Amerika Latin. Dia berpartisipasi dalam pendirian Universitas Bielefeld, dan merupakan anggota terkemuka Paulus-Gesellschaft internasional yang didedikasikan untuk dialog Kristen dan Marxisme. Setelah Konsili Vatikan II, ia adalah seorang konsultan dari sekretariat kepausan untuk noncredentibus dari tahun 1968 hingga 1973. Metz adalah seorang konsultan Sinode Würzburg dari keuskupan Jerman dari tahun 1971 hingga 1975, dan merupakan penulis utama dari dokumennya "Unsere Hoffnung" (Harapan kami) yang menjadi dokumen kunci untuk penerimaan Dewan Vatikan Kedua di Jerman. Metz tinggal di Münster hingga kematiannya pada 2 Desember 2019.

b. Karya
• Metz, Johann Baptist (1969). Theology of the World, trans. William Glen-Doepel. New
York: Seabury.
•Metz, Johann Baptist (1980). Faith in History and Society: Toward a Practical Fundamental Theology. New York: Seabury.

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• Metz, Johann Baptist (1998). Poverty in Spirit. New York: Paulist Press.

c. Konteks Berteologi Politik J.B. Metz

Realitas masyarakat dan masalah penderitaan dan ketidakadilan yang melanda manusia mendorong Johann Baptist Metz melahirkan hasil karyanya ini. Melalui teologi politiknya mendorong Gereja dan umat Kristen agar berani menanggapi dan membantu menyelesaikan berbagai problem yang terjadi di tengah-tengah dunia . Teologi politik Metz memfokuskan diri pada manusia sebagai “subyek " utama, dan kebajikan solidaritas sebagai undangan kepada orang-orang Kristen agar mewujudnyatakan imannya melalui tindakan dan perbuatan nyata di dalam kehidupan sosial.

Dengan teologi politik ini mendorong orang Kristen agar berani menanggapi berbagai masalah yang melanda masyarakat dunia saat ini sehingga membawa suatu transformasi bagi kehidupan seluruh umat manusia. Relevansi teologi politik ini adalah sebuah kritik bagi teologi terutama teologi transendental dan teologi yang bersifat ideologis, dan juga kritik kepada Gereja dan teolog agar menyadari misinya dan mengembangkan teologi yang tidak hanya mengarah kepada aspek eskatologis semata, dan juga tidak hanya melahirkan teologi yang lebih bersifat mempertahankan (apologetik) iman dalam arti sempit, tetapi juga teologi yang mampu menanggapi masalah manusia dalam kehidupannya yang nyata, bukan ideologi atau spiritualitas abstrak.

Sebagai seorang mahasiswa yang dibimbing oleh Karl Rahner, Metz memutuskan hubungan dengan teologi transendental Rahner pada gilirannya menjadi teologi yang berakar pada praksis. Metz fokus pada pengembangan pemikiran teologi politik yang sangat memengaruhi teologi pembebasan. Ia dianggap sebagai salah satu teolog Jerman pasca-Vatikan II yang paling berpengaruh. Pikirannya mengalihkan perhatian mendasar pada penderitaan orang lain. Topik- topik kunci dari teologinya adalah ingatan, solidaritas, dan narasi. Karya-karya dalam bahasa Inggris meliputi: Gereja, Iman dalam Sejarah dan Masyarakat, Kemiskinan dalam Roh, dan Harapan. Artikel-artikel yang terkumpul dapat ditemukan dalam A Passion for God: Dimensi Mistik-Politik Kristen, diterjemahkan oleh Matthew Ashley dan dalam John K. Downey, ed., Strategi Cinta: Teologi Politik Johann Baptist Metz.

Dasar dari karya Metz adalah konsep "ingatan penderitaan", yang berhubungan dengan ‘anamnesis’ dalam Perjanjian Baru Yunani, sebuah istilah yang merupakan pusat teologi Ekaristi. Metz berbicara berbagai “ingatan penderitaan Yesus Kristus”, “ingatan kebebasan (dalam Yesus Kristus)”, “ingatan penderitaan”, dll. Salah satu faktor pendorong untuk kategori ini adalah tekad Metz, sebagai Teolog Katolik dari Jerman, untuk mengolah kembali seluruh teologi Katolik dari bawah ke atas mengingat pengalaman yang pahit dari Holocaust. Kebutuhan ini menjelaskan

sebagian perpisahannya dengan Rahner, yang metode transendentalnya menarik bagi historisitas tetapi tidak sampai pada kesepakatan dengan sejarah aktual. Metz berdialog dengan Marxisme progresif, terutama Walter Benjamin dan penulis Sekolah Frankfurt. Dia melontarkan kritik keras tentang apa yang disebutnya Kristen borjuis dan percaya bahwa Injil Kristen menjadi kurang kredibel karena telah menjadi terjerat dengan agama borjuis. Karyanya Iman dalam Sejarah dan Masyarakat mengembangkan apologetika, atau teologi mendasar, dari perspektif ini.
Motif utama dari teologinya adalah belas kasih, sebagai kepekaan terhadap penderitaan orang lain, belas kasih Tuhan, dan juga hasrat akan Tuhan ("Leidempfindlichkeit für andere, die Mitleidenschaft Gottes, auch die Leidenschaft für Gott").

2. TEOLOGI POLITIK J.B. METZ

Beberapa pokok teologi politik J.B. Metz

2.1. Konteks: Iman Dalam Sejarah dan Masyarakat

• Apa titik awal dari sebuah teologi fundamental? Menurut Metz, titik awalnya adalah kesadaran akan kebutuhan dan kekhasan realitas sejarah, yaitu manusia yang hidup dalam situasi sosial, ekonomi dan politik. Dari kenyataan ini melahirkan kemampuan merumuskan teologi fundamental daripada apologetika atau mempertahankan iman dalam arti sempit.

•Proses perumusan teologi fundamental sejarah berbasis praktik, terutama di dunia Eropa (Perancis, Jerman), yang berusaha untuk menciptakan dasar apologetika yang melahirkan teologi klasik. Ada berbagai ideologi yang turut mempengaruhi teologi seperti Pencerahan, Marxisme, eksistensialisme, sekularisme yang mengkritik agama Kritikan sebagai sebuah ideologi. Teologi politik juga mengritik dogma Gereja sebagai rumusan doktrin Kristen atau Katolik yang kaku dan tidak relevan dalam konteks sekarang.

• Kritik kepada teologi yang berfokus pada diri sendiri terutama teologi yang lebih berpusat pada masalah pribadi atau individu. Kritik ini ditujukan kepada teologi yang lebih mendukung agama Borguis (agama kaum penguasa). Agama yang memperkuat kekuasaan politik dan ekonomi para penguasa, seperti yang pernah terjadi dalam sejarah Eropa pada abad pertengahan. Karena itu, Metz menegaskan: ”Saya melihat suatu keniscayaan dalam kenyataan bahwa wawasan dan penemuan dalam bentuk sejarah segera ditafsirkan dalam kategori eksistensialisme dan personalisme teologis". Menurut Metz, cara formulasi teologi yang bersifat eksistensialisme dan personalisme dapat menciptakan pola pikir yang mempertahankan status quo.
  
• Teologi politik adalah teologi praktis (praksis). Menurut Metz setiap teologi Kristen, apapun teologinya, harus berlandaskan pada prakisis. Menurutnya, idea Kristen tentang Allah pada dasarnya merupakan idea praktis. Jadi menurutnya setiap pikiran atau refleksi Kristologis- teologis harus berawal dari keutamaan praktek, bukan bermula dari pemikiran abstrak, metafisis (logis semata). Demikian juga dengan teori hermeneutika, tidak hanya hermeneutika abstrak tetapi hermenutika yang riil, bertitiktolak dari dasar yaitu realitas hidup manusia. Jadi sintesis Metz adalah bahwa iman Kristen bukanlah iman dalam pemikiran abstrak atau lahir dari edea tapi iman yang lahir dan berkembang dalam sejarah kehidupan manusia dan terkait dengan realitas sosial, politik dan ekonomi. Jadi, bab empat ini merupakan solusi atas kritiknya pada bab tiga.

2.2. Lantasan, Fokus dan Tema Teologi Politik

• Tugas teologi yaitu 'pendekatan atas pengalaman manusia dalam situasi konkretnya, terkait dengan situasi sosial, politik dan ekonomi. Dasar teologi politik adalah memoria passionis kematian dan kebangkitan Yesus Kristus (memoria passionis, mortis et resurrectionis Jesu Christi). Kisah ingatan atas Sengsara, wafat dan kebangkitan Yesus adalah landasan utama teologi politik Metz. Karena pengalaman penderitaan Yesus adalah pengalaman yang sama, yang juga dialami oleh manusia dalam hidupnya, terutama orang-orang yang menderita rasa sakit dan kekerasan, karena politik, ekonomi, ideologi dan agama. Cakrawala atau tujuan utama dari formulasi teologi politik ini adalah sebagai upaya pembebasan manusia dari segala penindasan, baik politik, ekonomi, sosial, budaya dan agama berlandaskan pada visi eskatologis.

•Arti memoria passionis (Kenangan atas penderitaan). Memoria (kenangan) ini adalah memoria atas realitas atau pengalaman nyata, dan hidup dari Metz sendiri yaitu peristiwa di Auschwitz dan peristiwa perang dunia kedua. Memoria ini adalah memoria (kenangan) yang menyakitkan, memoria (kenangan) yang mengerikan, memoria (kenangan) yang tak terlupakan oleh umat manusia. Memoria ini hendaknya harus selalu dikenang oleh Gereja dan oleh umat Kristen khususnya dan umat manusia umunya agar peristiwa pahit ini jangan terulang lagi. Dengan pengalaman di Auschwitz dan perang dunia kedua menjadi pelajaran kemanusiaan berharga yang harus direfleksikan oleh Gereja, umat Kristen, para pemimpin bangsa agar jangan terulang lagi. Ini adalah tragedi kemanusiaan yang harus terus dingat atau dikenang secara bersama-sama sebagai umat manusia (kenangan kolektif). Memoria Sengsara , wafat dan kebangkitan Yesus adalah pusat (centrum) memoria yang bersifat universal untuk umat manusia. Dalam karyanya Metz menekankan pentingnya refleksi atau studi tentang Allah. Dia menulis, "bicara tentang Allah sama dengan bicara tentang orang-orang yang berseru mohon diselamatkan, khususnya bagi mereka yang menderita secara tidak adil, bagi para korban, yang tersingkir, terbaikan dalam sejarah umat manusia. Bagi Metz, bicara tentang Allah berarti bicara tentang visi dan janji keadilan serta pembebasan sejati bagi semua umat manusia, baik yang telah tiada, yang ada sekarang maupun yang akan datang”.

• Jadi menurut Metz, memoria selalu berkaitan dengan sejarah sebagai tempat (locus) utama di mana Tuhan berbicara dan berkomunikasi dengan manusia, khususnya cerita-cerita yang menyerikan: cerita tentang sejarah penindasan, cerita tentang sejarah kekerasan, dan sejarah kemiskinan. Dalam arti Allah sebagai subyek cerita eskatologis masalah manusia yang telah, sedang dan akan terjadi dalam sejarah manusia.
  
• Pokoknya penebusan dan emansipasi. Sikap atau kebajikan yang berasal dari teologi politik adalah penebusan atau pembebasan dan emansipasi terhadap orang lain. Penebusan adalah aspek spiritual, pembebasan dan emansipasi adalah aspek tindakan nyata manusia dalam proses politik. Tindakan embebasan dan emansipasi adalah tindakan universal yang harus diwujudkan melalui bidang sosial, politik, dan ekonomi.
  
• Peran Gereja di dunia ini, terutama kepada orang-orang yang terlibat dalam dunia politik dan ekonomi. Gereja (secara institusi) dan orang Kristen secara pribadi maupun bersama harus mengambil inisiatif untuk membantu orang-orang yang sedang dililit masalah. Gereja dan orang Kristen harus melakukan tindakan efektif dalam mengupayakan pembebasan bagi sesama yang hidup dalam penderitaan politik, ekonomi, sosial - budaya. Karena tindakan tersebut merupakan implementasi dari iman. Visi Metz tentang Gereja yaitu bahwa Gereja secara hakiki adalah Gereja yang tidak hanya mencakup wilayah (teritorial) dan kebangsaan (etnis) tetapi Gereja universal yaitu sebagai umat Allah yang baru, di mana dapat terjalin solidarietas dan rasa kebersamaan untuk saling membantu meringankan beban penderitaan sesama.
  
• Krisis identitas keristenan dalam realitas sejarah evolusi manusia dan teologinya. Metz mau menegaskan bahwa krisis identitas sebagai pengikut Kristus telah terjadi dalam sejarah Gereja, karena akibat dari krisis formulasi teologi yang tidak bersumber dari sejarah dan persoalan hidup manusia. Pengalaman ini akan terus terjadi bila para teolog mengembangkan teologinya demi mempertahankan status quo dan kekuasaan para elete serta demi suatu ideologi tertentu.
  •Refleksi eskatoligis dalam dua cara yaitu yang dikembangkan oleh Ernst Bloch, yaitu berlalunya waktu eskatologis dan eskatologis di saat terakhir atau waktu yang dibutuhkan. Eskatologi melewati waktu dekat atau imanen, eskatologi yang terakhir adalah eskatologi transendensi. Ide eskatologi mengungkapkan makna harapan Gereja, terutama pengalaman orang-orang yang tinggal dalam krisis sejarahnya. Menurut Ernst Bloch esakatologia ini adalah "kebijaksanaan apokaliptik”. Konsep ini juga mengungkapkan proses evolusi manusia dan semua makhluknya. Menurut Ernst Bloch eskatologi yang waktunya sudah dekat adalah eskatologi realitas sejarah manusia yang mendorongnya untuk melihat ke depan atas dasar waktu yang tak terbatas (ruang dan waktu) atau waktu akhir. Waktu transcendental dan imanen menurut, Metz adalah "hari Tuhan" yang sudah di mulai di zaman kita saat ini.
  

2.3. Kategori

• Konsep tentang memoria sebagai kategori dasar alasan-kritis praktis. Memoria memiliki dua tradisi yaitu pemikiran (ratio) dan sejarah. Metz membuat perbedaan antara ingatan (Remember) dan kenangan (memoria). Ingatan adalah seperti organ bersejarah yang ada dalam realitas sejarah. Kenangan adalah aspek psikologis yang berhubungan dengan perasaan dan emosi (afeksi) yang ada atau tersimpan di dalam ingatan. Jadi ingatan berhubungan dengan ratio di mana melihat realitas sejarah dalam kehidupan nyata manusia, sehingga mendorong lahirnya kenangan (memoria) yang didasarkan pada pengalaman sejarah yang ada di dalam ingatan. Kenangan (memoria) di Auschwitz mendorong ingantan Metz, sehingga membuahkan refleksi Kristologis-teologis setelah peristiwa di Auschwitz. Ada dua tradisi kecerdasan ingatan, yaitu refleksi filosofis dan teologis yang mengali makna melalui metode hermeneutika sebagai hermeneutika eksistensial-ontologis. Ingatan menyebabkan pikiran subjektif dari orang tersebut dan dihubungkan dengan kenangan sehingga mendorong sebuah refleksi dengan penalaran analitis, kritis dan obyektif. Jadi dapat disimpulkan bahwa ingatan (remember) adalah bagian dari intelektuel - rational, sedangkan kenangan(memoria) adalah bagian dari aspek psikologis dan spiritual-iman yang lebih dalam dan misteri.
  
• Metz menegaskan bahwa dogma sebagai suatu ingatan (remember) berisiko tidak bermakna, jika dogma tidak direinterpretasi atau re-hermenutika. Iman adalah prinsip kenangan (memoria) yang merupakan jawaban atas pertanyaan yang terus-menerus muncul dalam pikiran manusia tentang janji Tuhan akan zaman akhir (parusia) yang "sudah" dan "belum" terjadi di dalam terang iman (fides), harapan (spes) dan kasih (amor). Ketika dogma tidak memiliki kemampuan untuk mereinterpretasi atau membangun hermenutika yang baru atas makna iman dalam hidup manusia, yang harus merespon realitas pengalaman konkret manusia, maka dogma menjadi suatu ajaran hampa yang tak berarti dan menjadi ideologi belaka.
  
• Tentang kisah (cerita) yang merupakan cerita dari pengalaman iman. Cerita ini membawa ingatan dan kenangan seperti yang dikatakan oleh Metz. Kemudian ketika kita berbicara tentang cerita atau narasi berarti kita berbicara tentang cerita atau narasi yang membawa harapan kepada orang lain. Narasi atau cerita tentang pengalaman iman yang terjadi dalam sejarah (di tempat tertentu) di antara narator (pencerita) dan pendengar. Melalui narasi pencerita atau narator mengkomunikasikan pengalaman imanya dengan pendengar, sehingga membawa suatu transformasi bagi kehidupan si pendengar. Ketika membandingkan kisah tentang Yesus historis dan kisah tentang Yesus setelah bangkit yaitu Kristus bukanlah sutau kisah yang sama, melainkan kisah yang berbeda. Maka kisah atau cerita (narasi) antara "Yesus sejarah" dan "Kristus kerygmatis" tetap merupakan suatu dilema. Maka kedua kisah ini meninggalkan banyak pertanyaan yang tak dapat dijawab secara tuntas, namun memberikan makna iman yang mendalam kepada para pendengar (audience).
• Metz melihat teologi sebagai biografi. Menurut Metz, di dunia saat ini (dunia modern) tampaknya jauh, karena ada perpecahan mendalam antara sistem teologis dan pengalaman religius, antara doxography dan biografi, antara dogmatis dan mistis. Menurut Metz tesis teologi saat ini selalu menggunakan konsep subjektif–personalistik dari pengalaman pribadinya, sehingga teologi yang diformlasinya tidak dapat menjawab persoalan hidup manusia. Jadi menurut Metz teologi biografi adalah teologi yang mengambil sikap kritis terhadap orientasi teologis yang lebih transendental dan berkonsentrasi pada subjek diri
• Solidaritas sebagai kategori untuk membantu sesama yang sedang mengalami penderitaan, dan sebagai dukungan yang diberikan, dan sebagai aksi bersama yang dapat membawa transformasi kehidupan bagi manusia di dunia ini. Solidaritas ini menurut Metz didasarkan pada cerita yang menghubungkan masa lalu dengan masa kini untuk menuju ke masa depan yang lebih baik. Solidaritas ini adalah solidaritas dalam kenangan dengan orang-orang yang disalibkan, dibunuh, dianiaya dan ditindas dalam sejarah dunia ini, saat/masa lalu dan ini. Melalui solidaritas ini membawa kenangan bersama dan kisah bersama yang direalisasikan dalam kehidupan nyata atau tindakan nyata dalam kehidupan manusia; Bagi Metz ini adalah kisah kemanusiaan yang harus ditanggung bersama, terutama orang Kristen.

3. MEMBACA TEOLOGI POLITIK J.B. METZ UNTUK GERAKAN PEMBEBASAN

Pertanyaan kunci: Bagaimana sumbangan pemikiran teologi politik J.B. Metz untuk gerakan pembebasan? Mari berdiskusi!

Maria, Alone Without Her Soldier

A story of Sexual Violence by an Indonesian National Army soldier in West Papua In August 2009, I stayed in Bupul Village for two weeks.

Bupul Village is one of the administrative areas of Elikobel District, in Merauke Regency, Papua. The village, which is not yet fully integrated into the market economy, is located along the border area of Papua, Indonesia, with Papua New Guinea. Because of its position, Bupul Village is one of the villages categorised as requiring security by the Indonesian National Army (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI).

In 1983, a TNI land unit (Angkatan Darat, AD) post was established for the first time in Bupul Village. The headquarters was close to the Catholic priesthood building. The army forces working there were from the Army’s Strategic Reserve Command (Komando Cadangan Strategis Angkatan Darat, Kostrad), a territorial taskforce called Raider Yonif 751/BS, Siliwangi. There were ten soldiers on duty there. For security reasons, the TNI-AD Post was moved several times. From 2007 until today, the TNI-AD Post has been populated by 22 personnel from Kostrad TNI-AD Yonif 320/Badak Putih, located on the banks of the river Maro. This is why the Post is called the Maro River Post. The distance is one kilometre from Bupul Village. From 2008 until 2009, personnel from the Kostrad TNI-AD Yonif 320/Badak Putih were replaced by 22 personnel from TNI-AD Yonif 752/Vira Yuda Sakti, Sorong, Papua. In November 2008, the results of the research of the Secretariat of Justice & Peace, Merauke Archdiocese (Sekretariat Keadilan dan Perdamaian Keuskupan Agung Merauke, SKP-KAM), found more or less 30 TNI posts from Kostrad TNI-AD PamTas (Pengamanan Perbatasan, Border Security) in the Merauke border region. Meanwhile, in an article entitled Anatomy of Papuan Separatists, Major ARM Fence D. Marani mentions a total of 114 TNI PamTas Posts stationed along the length of the border. “These troops have been stationed as a response to Papuan separatist groups who still voice their aspirations via various methods and activities. The issue of the failure of Special Autonomy and of reviewing of the Act of Free Choice is used as an excuse to carry out shows of force to discredit the Indonesian government and army, which converge in demanding a referendum for Papua,” he wrote. In the same article, Marani emphasies that “The Papuan community is easily influenced by separatist ideas because they lack any concept of Indonesian nationalism, particularly in the interior.” With this excuse, the presence of the TNI became a solution to wipe out the separatist movement and increase national loyalty. A different opinion was expressed by social observer George Junus Aditjondro. During a meeting in Jayapura Town, the intellectual rebel stated that there are various reasons for placing TNI troops in Papua. Firstly, remilitarisation, to revive the role of the military. This was a reaction to the separation of the Indonesian Police (Polri) and the Indonesian Army (ABRI). This separation gave ‘leverage’ to Polri for security and public order matters and reduced the power of the TNI in the border area; secondly, the presence of TNI forces was justified by the ‘possibility’ of attack from an external enemy; thirdly, it protected against the possibility of illegal border crossing, fourthly, it would strengthen the identification of the local community (Papuans) with their neighbouring country (Papua New Guinea) or annex ‘pockets’ along the border of the neighbouring country; fifthly, security for ‘vital projects’ such as large scale forestry, plantations, fisheries and infrastructure development businesses.

Converting primary forest into plantations, particularly palm oil plantations, was strongly supported by the military because it created an excuse for military operations to chase guerrillas; sixth, securing transmigration projects from attacks by armed groups; seventh, intimidation of those who intended to demand rights to land, planting, growing and waters based on their customary rights; eighth, dividing the profits between various units, and between 2 TNI and Polri to avoid conflict between them; and lastly, to ‘buy’ the loyalty of the armed forces towards the regime, which retained power as long as civil control was not yet established, so the good relationship between military and police still needed to be managed. Unlike the TNI slogan to create and protect security and public order, the installation of the Maro River Post TNI-AD PamTas from the Kostrad unit in Bupul Village, brought a feeling of insecurity for citizens of the village in question. For the family of Maria Goreti Mekiw, the army on duty at the Maro River Post were known as harassers of young women and wives, who liked to beat people up if they did anything wrong, encouraged the youth of the village to mix drinks and get drunk, liked using their weapons to shoot forest kangaroos, and liked to appropriate and use the motorbikes owned by local residents whenever they liked. Basically, the soldiers made life in the village unsafe. In general, the residents of the village agreed that the Papuan members of the TNI-AD PamTas were the most troublesome and disrespectful. But not all the local Bupul villagers thought the same way. Sister Florentina Bibak, from the Lady of the Sacred Heart (Putri Bunda Hati Kudus) congregation, for example. According to Bibak, the army on duty in the village behaved politely, knew the etiquette, were clean, liked to look after themselves and liked to help. “It’s the residents of the village here who are wrong, particularly the women from the village who like to flirt and seduce the soldiers from the Post. The village women who get pregnant and have children by the soldiers, do so because they like seducing the soldiers. The soldiers here are nice and polite,” said Sister Florentin Bibak, PBHK when I met her in Bupul Village in August 2009. The first time they set foot in Bupul Village, the members of TNI-AD instantly held a meeting with the residents. Their goal was to introduce themselves while explaining their mission in this poor and isolated village. After that, almost every day, the soldiers visited the homes of the residents while carrying their weapons. The funny thing is, not all the houses of the residents received the ‘honour’ of being visited by these soldiers. It wasn’t just desire, it was systematic. The visits were only made to certain houses, depending on the needs of the soldier in question. For example, whether they wanted a Cendrawasih bird, a girl, a motorbike or whatever else. Particularly at those houses which contained young women, usually before visiting the soldier would ask his fellow soldiers who had been on shift before him to get the names of the young women. In this way the names were pocketed, and an approach was made to start going out with the girl. There were around 16 residents’ houses which were routinely visited by these soldiers and there were 12 women they went out with. The visits of the soldiers took place almost every day, even at night at the house of the woman in question. Aside of the house, sago groves, dance venues and quiet dark places, such as the Catholic church building, also became meeting places between soldiers and the women who were their targets. In order to go out with women in the village and sleep with them, the soldiers had an unbelievably efficient strategy. Initially they’d ask to be introduced, and then they’d start visiting the house of the victim. In order that the relationship appeared serious, the soldiers would then treat the parents of the victim as their adoptive parents. After the process had succeeded, the soldier would offer to accompany the victim to the sago grove, in order to protect her while she was cutting sago. After some time had passed, the visits to the house of the ‘girlfriend’ would no longer stop at the guest room. The footsteps of the soldier would continue to enter the bedroom of his girlfriend. Nobody could prevent it, because the soldier was already to be treated as their own child. Aside from diligently visiting the houses of residents, another place which became the favourite of the soldiers in Bupul Village was the Lady of the Sacred Heart Convent. At this place, they usually were cooking and having their afternoon nap. The motorbike owned by the convent was also often used by Maro River Post soldiers for various affairs. Sister Florentina Bibak, PBHK, as a resident of the convent, was treated by the soldiers as a mother. The soldiers often called the Sister ‘Mami.’ The closeness of 3 Sister Bibak with the TNI-AD PamTas soldiers from the Maro River Post had been going on since 2007. Previously, Sister Bibak had really challenged the behaviour of the TNI-AD soldiers from the Maro River Post, who were always intimidating and hitting the residents of the village, and in particular the issue of pregnancies of the local women. According to the parish Pastor of Bupul, P. Felix Amias, the close relationship between Sister Bibak and the soldiers of the Maro River Post began when she became the only person at the Convent. Right when the other Sister, Sister Yulyana PBHK was moved from Bupul Village to Kalimantan, halfway through 2006. Why would a Catholic nun get close to a soldier? According to the Commander of the Pos TNI AD Yonif 752/ Vira Yuda Sakti at Maro River, Sersan Daryanto, the closeness of the soldiers of the Maro River Post with Sister Bibak was because the soldiers already saw the Sister as ‘Mama.’ Aside of that, Sister Bibak was also often asked for help to deal with issues experienced by the soldiers of the Maro River Post. For example, the problem of the soldiers getting women pregnant. Another story going round among the soldiers was that Sister Bibak was an informant who always talked about the situation in the village. Interestingly, before getting close to the soldiers, Sister Bibak was the contact person for the Justice and Peace Secretariat for the Merauke Archdiocese in Bupul village. At that time, Sister Bibak was very active in various activities held by SKP-KAM. Her view of the residents of Bupul village was very positive. But this all changed drastically when Sister Bibak became ‘Mami’ for the soldiers posted there. “Women in Bupul village live like pigs. They eat sago like pigs. Their houses are really dirty and they don’t know how to wash,” she said once. One day, Thursday 28 August, as the sun was setting on the western horizon, I and Hellen Kewamijai met with Maria Goreti Mekiw in Bupul village. Hellen Kewamijai is one of the female victims of sexual harassment by the soldiers at the Maro River Post. There are 19 victims of this sexual harassment of the TNI-AD PamTas in Bupul village, Elikobel District, Merauke. From 1992 until 2009, there were a total of 53 victims of sexual violence by soldiers in the villages of Bupul 12, Bupul, Kwel, Erambu, Toray, Sota, Yanggandur, Rawa Biru, Tomerau, Tomer, Kuler, Onggaya, Ndalir and Nasem. They were dated, gotten pregnant, then left when they gave birth and abandoned, the soldiers disappearing without a trace. Hellen and I met with Maria Goreti, who was also one of the victims of sexual violence by the soldiers from TNI-AD PamTas, from Battalion Yonif 320/Badak Putih, Bandung. Unlike the other victims, Maria Goreti wanted to speak openly. She was 20 years old, pretty, with fair skin and curly hair in ribbons. “I was made pregnant then abandoned by a TNI-AD soldier from Bandung,” she said, beginning her story. She fell in love with Private Samsul Bakri Baharudin. At that time, Maria Goreti would greet Private Samsul Bakri Baharudin as kakak Samsul (older brother Samsul), and he visited her house, which wasn’t far from the TNI-AD PamTas Post. The Goreti family house was a simple stilted house with two rooms and a thatched roof. There was no guest room. In order to protect themselves from the cold and the heat of the sun, the walls of the house were half board and half thatch, while the floor was made of wooden planks from the nibung tree. At the first meeting, kakak Samsul was very polite and well behaved. He brought ransum biscuits, energy biscuits and milk from the TNI-AD post to accompany their conversations. This activity took place almost every day. “As time went by, I felt closer and closer with kakak Samsul. I was more and more interested in him. I started wanting to see him every day,” said Maria, raising her voice above the crying of her child, Agustina Mariani. After soothing and hushing her child, Maria Goreti continued her story. “Do you have a boyfriend?” asked Private Samsul. “Not yet, kakak,” “Could I be your boyfriend?” “Yes, you can kakak. But I’m still going to school.” 4 “Fine. I’ll make sure you still go to school, I’m fine with that.” When kakak Samsul declared his love, Maria Goreti didn’t suspect a thing. She had no negative thoughts. Maria Goreti accepted it, and hoped that kakak Samsul would marry her. “When I started studying at Elikobel State High School and went to stay in the Fajar Timur boarding house, I hardly ever saw kakak Samsul. But kakak Samsul still went to the house and met my parents. Kakak Samsul always asked after me. My parents always answered that I was studying and staying at the Fajar Timur boarding house. Then, when I came home to the house to eat, mum and dad always let me know that kakak Samsul had been constantly asking after me. I was surprised and proud. But I often asked myself, why does he keep asking after me? Is this proof that he wants to get serious with me?” Around three months after Maria Goreti started going out with kakak Samsul, one night on 26 April 2008, around 2 in the morning eastern Indonesia time, when Maria Goreti and her family were sound asleep, kakak Samsul came to visit. Kakak Samsul knocked on the door of Maria Goreti’s house, while calling her name. Maria Goreti woke with a start and headed towards the door. But Maria Goreti arrived several steps after her father, who then opened the door for kakak Samsul. After coming in, kakak Samsul put down a bag filled with rice, noodles, cooking oil and canned fish. The giving of these items was a significant gesture for the parents of Maria Goreti. They then invited the soldier to sleep beside their daughter. Maria felt nervous, anxious and restless. She was scared. Despite the lamp light from the middle room, she couldn’t overcome her fear. Suddenly Samsul whispered: “Maria, you have to prove that you really like me.” “What proof?” “You already know, right! You have to have sex with me.” “I can’t.” “If tonight you don’t have sex with me, I don’t want to go out with you anymore. I’m going to get another girl.” Maria Goreti gasped. She was really scared to sleep with Private Samsul. What’s more, they weren’t even married. But she also didn’t want to lose the guy who had melted her heart. Fear, nerves, worry and fondness all rolled into one. In the end she obeyed the request of her sweetheart, and they slept with each other. “It was hard to refuse him. Kakak Samsul had been so good to me and my family,” she said. After having sex, Maria Goreti was really scared. She started thinking “What if I get pregnant? If I’m pregnant, will he take responsibility? What made me even more scared and regretful was that I was no longer a virgin. I had sinned. I couldn’t sleep until morning. I thought and thought, if he doesn’t take responsibility, will any other man still want to be with me?” she explained, while shedding a tear. The fears of Maria Goreti were well founded. She is a child of the traditional Malind tribe. A young girl, from the Malind-Anim perspective, is a thing of pride, an attribute, a valuable transactional object (like a plot of land, or an adopted child, representing the binding of clan and family ties). So girls have been guarded of old, to avoid the interference of young men. This tradition seemed to surprise the first Catholic missionaries when they arrived. Maybe they thought that the men of the Malind tribe had a high sex drive, so young women were bound to get raped. A bit of a wild imagination, perhaps. According to Julianus Bole Gebze, “Rape of young women only started to happen on a large scale when the customs began getting eroded with mixed marriages and intermingling between other tribes, around the beginning of the twentieth century.” In the past, rape or sexual harassment within the Malind tribe was punishable by being shot dead with bows and arrows. (In Malind terminology: Bob me kimil-et = prevent him becoming a bad example). Or the woman herself was exiled from the village, or married to an old man. 5 Being shot dead by bows and arrows was the heaviest penalty. Usually if a case of rape or sexual harassment was brought before a court of customary elders, called Yelmam Mean, the punishment of the perpetrator would take into account various possibilities, for example the perpetrator may just be burned, or they may be ritually killed by witchcraft in the Kambara style. But these customary punishments did not apply to Soldier Samsul Bakri Baharudin! These blazing nights continued until Maria Goreti fell pregnant, and was consequently taken out of school and the dormitory she was staying in. “Later, I stayed at home and we lived as if we were husband and wife. We slept together. We often went to the little sago village together, until I was seven or eight months pregnant. The pregnancy wasn’t that hard for me. What was hard was when he had to go back to Bandung, because his rotation had finished. When he left on 31 November 2008, I was so sad. I began to feel regret, but I still kind of hoped he would take responsibility. He had promised to arrange a transfer to Merauke so he could marry me. He asked my parents to take care of me and the child, and forbade me to go out with any of the soldiers who had replaced his lot, because he said he was going to marry me. He told me that when the child was born, I had to look after it well. Before he left, he gave me a mobile phone so that I could call him. He also gave me some clothes and a mattress.” But it was as if these were the last gifts and messages from soldier Samsul to Maria Goreti. Until today, he hasn’t contacted Maria or her child. It’s not that the young mother hasn’t tried to contact kakak Samsul. She once wrote a letter to tell him that their child had been born, and was named Agustina Mariani. But kakak Samsul seemed to have disappeared from the face of the earth. The letter never received a response. “I will keep waiting for Samsul. Other people can say what they like,” she said, as she concluded her story. Unlike Maria Goreti, who still holds out hope of meeting kakak Samsul again, there is Davit Kabajai. This 46-year-old middle aged man doesn’t want to remember the bitter experience he had with his family. One afternoon on 15 April 2003, in the hustle and bustle of Merauke city, I met with Davit Kabajai in his house, which was rather small. Like other government assistance houses, Davit Kabajai’s house had two bedrooms and one guest room, with an earthen floor, simple wooden plank walls and a zinc roof. After introducing ourselves, Davit Kabajai’s face became serious as he began to tell the story of the tragedy which had struck his family. He no longer felt afraid. “On 13 March 2003, I and my family experienced a very painful event. It was connected with the behaviour of a soldier called Viky Areba, towards my wife. If I remember what happened, it always makes me cry. I’ve tried so hard to forget it, but I can’t,” he said, lowering his head. On the 13 March 2003, Viky Areba, who had come to be treated by Kabajai’s family as one of their own children, came to the house drunk. Viky was a soldier from TNI-AD Kostrad Yonif 733/Pattimura, rank Private 1. Originally from Fak-fak, Papua, he came to the house at midnight. He knocked on the door. Davit Kabajai was fast asleep. Hearing the sound of knocking, his wife Luisa Kalujai woke Davit up, and he then opened the door for Viky. “Viky came in and I told him to go in and sleep with my two sons. That night, nothing happened. The whole family slept soundly until morning. Everything was as normal,” he said. The next morning, Davit left the house as usual, gathering together his tools to go and chop sago in the little village. The three children had already left for school. There was only his wife left in the house. Viky was still sound asleep. “That morning,” said Davit’s wife, “once the kids and their father had left the house, Viky woke up and came into the kitchen. I was cooking sago. Viky was holding his gun and pointed it at me. He forced me to have sex with him. I didn’t want to, but Viky kept forcing me to, while threatening me: if you don’t take your clothes off, I’ll kill you. I was scared, and had to take off 6 my clothes. Then Viky raped me. After using (read: raping) me, Viky left the house. Viky went back to the Bupul Post,” explained the wife, when she was asked to describe what had happened by the Commander of the TNI-AD PamTas Post Bupul 1. When Davit came home from chopping sago, his wife knelt before him in tears. Davit was shocked, and in a choked tone he asked his wife: “Mama, what’s happened?” “Adoh… bapa, I was used (raped) by Viky!” “Mama, you were raped or you wanted to have sex with him?” “Bapa, I was raped, forced at gunpoint to take off my clothes. I didn’t want to, but he forced me at gunpoint. I was scared so I took my clothes off. Then he raped me.” Lusia, a 34-year-old woman from Malang, couldn’t stop crying. Davit took her in his arms, and the two of them sobbed. “After hearing the whole story from my wife, I put on my customary clothes. Together with my wife, we went to confront the Commander of Post Bupul 1,” he said in a high voice. On reaching the Post, two soldiers came out to greet them. “What’s up Bapa?” “I want to meet the Commander and Viky.” “Please come in, Bapak.” Davit and his wife went inside and sat down on the chairs they were offered. Soon after, the Commander of the Pos came to meet them. “I was really angry. I cried. I said to the Commander of the Post, ‘Bapa, where is Viky? Viky has insulted me. He used my wife. Where is he?’ I spoke while crying. I thought, if I die today, Viky dies too,” he said. Viky was then called by the Commander of the Post, and brought to meet Davit and his wife. Davit felt worse and worse as Viky denied everything that had happened. His anger swelled until he was on the point of slitting the insolent soldier’s throat. Luckily the Post Commander was able to calm him down. Then Davit forced his wife to talk. “When my wife spoke, Viky got angry and threatened her, saying they had slept together because my wife wanted to. That my wife had been flirting with him. I was so angry,” he said. Davit then spoke to the Post Commander, Viky, and his own wife: Commander, if my wife says that she and Viky had sex without any coercion, then today I am going to kill her, right here. Commander, if my wife says she wasn’t raped, then I will cut Viky’s head off with my machete.” Then he asked his wife, “Mama, is it true that you and Viky had sex without Viky forcing you? Answer, true or false!” “Bapa, I was raped by Viky,” said his wife, while crying. The sword failed to cut Viky’s head off. In place of that, Davit asked for a fine of 2,500,000 Rupiah, but the Commander could only give him 250,000 Rupiah. The money was put in an envelope and given to him. The actions of the Post Commander made Davit angry. He then said to the Commander and Viky, “The honour of my wife cannot be valued with money, but because I also value you, I ask for a fine of 2,500,000 Rupiah. But you can’t even meet my request. Viky, I’m going to report you to your boss.” This bitter experience has brought unending shame on the family of Davit Kebajai. Feeling ashamed in front of the other villagers, Davit then brought his family to the River Baidup to build a house over there. They live there until today. “Until today, I haven’t reported it and sorted out this case. I always hope that Viky will be tried and fired,” he said, in closing his story.

Wensislaus Fatubun, Researcher, Promoter of Justice and Peace MSC Indonesia / Justice and Peace Secretariat, Merauke Archdiocese

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF VIOLENCE IN WEST PAPUA

Papers for the Conference on 'Crimes of State in West Papua: Kidnapping and Murder of Theys Hiyo Eluay, Face the State Violence in Papua (West), organized by ELS-HAM Papua, West Papua and CONTRAST Legal Aid of West Papua in Jakarta, March 21 to 22 2002.

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF VIOLENCE IN WEST PAPUA:

George Junus Aditjondro

(Lecturer Course Independence Movements Post-colonial,

University of Newcastle, NSW, Australia)

INTRODUCTION

WHY Theys Hiyo Eluay was killed on Saturday evening, November 10 last year? Before answering that question, perhaps we also need to ask ourselves, why the launch and discussion of the results of an independent investigation of the death of the leader of the Papua Presidium Council, we should do in Jakarta, not in the Land of Papua, for example in Sentani, or at Port Numbay.

The answer may be because the organizers of this conference was, Tanah Papua is now less and less safe for this kind of critical activity. Or maybe there is a presumption, that they are at the last agency responsible for the deaths of large ondofolo this Sentani tribe, located in Jakarta. Hence, this conference as well as a demand to hand the ruling, so that legal action be taken against the killers paitua this Eluay, not just against the subordinates who only aim at carrying out orders, but also to giving orders.

Let us now return to the question opening this note: why Theys was murdered? After reviewing the entire development of West Papuan independence movement, especially during the last ten years, I came to the conclusion that the killing of Papuan Presidium Council was to deflate wing of the independence movement in the city, on campus, at church and in the government bureaucracy, who fight for their goals through peaceful means, and thus armed guerrilla struggle back into the main strategy for the West Papuan nationalists.

Why struggle for independence in West Papua should be returned to the armed guerrilla rail? The answer is simple: as such, West Papua can be maintained in a de facto as vulnerable areas, or in the 'language Aceh' her,' Military Operations Area ', and thus, the official armed forces were able to maintain their hegemony over the region , although the de jure, the central government has delegated the authority - including authority to levy a fairly high pick from the processing of natural resources here - to local governments, in particular, the second level of local government.

In other words, what has been granted by Jakarta to the people of Papua with his right hand, want to be taken back with his left hand. And what other measures could encourage young nationalists in Papua to strengthen the back row of OPM guerrillas with Tepenal and Papenalnya, if they come to the conclusion that the struggle for peace there will be no result, rather than kill the symbol of peaceful struggle, Theys Hiyo Eluay?

Indeed, we hear every time Jakarta decided to send troops into troubled areas to escape the clutches of the central government, is that their job is to maintain the Unitary Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) at all costs. That's the official rhetoric we always hear. But beneath the rhetoric it is the military's business interests and the police, who have breed with fertile in Indonesia, since pioneered by former president Soeharto in the area that is now a Territory IV Diponegoro military command.

The approach I use in this paper based on the view that behind each set of violence is always tucked economic interests. That approach has been developed by the German anthropologist, Georg Etwert from the University of Berlin, who developed the concept of "markets of violence", which perhaps can be translated into "market abuse". As word Elwert (1999: 41):

"By markets of violence I mean conflicts categorised as civil wars, Warlord-dominated systems or Banditry, Nowhere, Beneath a superficial gloss of Philosophical or power-political objectives or obligations to fight, ostensibly based on tradition, the economic motive of material profit dominates . Markets based on violence cans come into being in the which areas are open to violence - especially in the absence of a monopoly of violence. "

THREE FEET IN INDONESIAN MILITARY BUSINESS

Inspired by the theory of 'markets of violence' is, let's surgical business in the Indonesian military. For the purposes of this paper, I will use the term "military business" only, but it is already implicit in the concept of business as well the police and various paramilitary groups who took part supported by the state apparatus. This military business, not only in the form of companies under the umbrella, or contain stocks foundations and cooperatives owned by the military and police. A more complete description of this military business has at least three feet. The first leg is what is called by Indria Samego et al from LIPI as "Armed Forces of institutional business." The second leg is what they call a "non-institutional business armed forces", ie businesses owned by retired military and their families, who have developed into powerful conglomerates.

While the third leg, which has not been much studied, is what could be mentioned as "gray businesses" military and police, which is quite wide-ranging, from the collection (more appropriately called, pemalakan) the cost of protection of giant companies who want to be protected from booty rioters armed groups and armed with sharp weapons fire, and have enough mass to intimidate, to illegal arms sales, drug trafficking, commercial sex workers (CSWs), up to trade in endangered flora and fauna.

The relationship between institutional business and non-institutional, it's pretty obvious. Suharto's relatives and cronies, has long had a 'habit' to recruit former military and police commanders in their companies, in a position as commissioner. Conversely, there is also a former military commanders and police after the body employed to state-owned enterprises (SOEs), turned out to have the business talent that is thick, so finished his tenure in the state-owned companies led (read: the diperasnya) they have enough capital and network of relationships that is wide enough, so it can begin to build their family-owned conglomerates. An example is quite popular is the late Ibnu Sutowo, who after being laid off by Suharto after a scandal Pertamina tanker worth U.S. $ 10 billion, managed to help Nugra Santana Group with her children. Or retired generals and A.R. Bustanil Arifin Ramly, after each long enough to cultivate the capital during the lead Bulog and PT Timah, can build their Group Danitama group.

The third leg, as the name suggests, the "gray business", is not yet widely highlighted, because it is not clearly recorded in trade statistics, and because some (large?) Is illegal and an abuse of public facilities. Sometimes, this gray business run by companies that are legal, that is, a legal entity, even of Limited Liability Company. For example, in my research via CD-ROM PT Inti Dataindo Swakarsa, I find that Yapto Soerjosoemarno, former head of Pemuda Pancasila which holds a law degree and had his lawyer's office itself, Yapto & Associates. On his lawyer's office address, in Jalan H. Samali No. 31, Kalibata, South Jakarta, there is a another company, PT Mahaphala Cakti, which feeds the weapons for the army and police.

But no weapon that most businesses generate a lot of money for the company. According to the results of my investigation, the supply of rations for the troops and police serving in the field, and the supply of cement for the construction of dormitories and rehabilityasi troops and police across Indonesia, hundreds of them, is a larger source of income for PT Mahaphala Cakti, rather than the sale of weapons to soldiers and police. So you can imagine, every decision of a Commander in Jakarta - TNI chief does not need to own, but enough Kostrad - to send hundreds of troops into a turbulent region, strengthen Yapto pocket.

Moreover, the government's decision to revive the military command, military command which had been closed, as Kodam Iskandar Muda in Aceh and Maluku Pattimura Regional Military Command, will be addressed by Yapto with twinkling eyes, imagine the amount of orders that will go to build and upgrade dormitory- dormitories and offices soldiers Kodim, Korem and Kodam in both directions ground water.

Simply put, the correlation between unrest and social upheaval and military business can be described as follows:

------------------------------------------

BUSINESS

INSTITUTIONAL

------------------------------------------

____________________ ====================

STRUCTURE RIOT /

ABRI's territorial social unrest

_____________________ ======================

----------------------------------- --------------- ---------------------

BUSINESS BUSINESS

NON-INSTITUTIONAL GRAY

------------------------------------ -------------- -----------------------

From the chart above, we can see that the node connecting the three forms of military business is a territorial structure of the armed forces, because it is the basis for the territorial structure of the organization of military institutional business, which in turn is related to non-institutional business as well as their gray business. In the neighborhood of the Army, for example, each military region have Primkopadnya, every Kodam have Puskopadnya, and at the central level there is Inkopad. Some Kodam, especially in Java, has his own foundation. Similarly, Police-Police, once again, especially in Java Regional Police, where in addition to berlingkup Yayasan Brata Bhakti that nationally, there is also a 'son of the foundation', such as Yayasan Brata Bhakti Jakarta Raya. Furthermore, foundations, along with Inkopad, Inkopal, Inkopau and Inkoppol, became a shareholder of dozens of large companies. While the former commander of the 3rd generation as well as the former police chief and former police chief, are often appointed as commissioner of the various family-owned company of the capitalist bureaucrats and retired military, so there was a link between the territorial structure of non-institutional business-military.

Third leg of military business is growing back and forth, to swell and shrink, follow the dynamics of social unrest in this country. Why? Because almost every riot or social upheaval in every area in Indonesia, is considered an issue that should be 'taken care' by the army with the militaristic ways, and not by the police. Or even if here and there already taken care of by the police, especially by the military from the police, the Mobile Brigade, also remained militaristic way of handling, and not by the ways police in liberal democratic states to handle the mass upheaval, with as little as possible victims soul. This difference is of course easy to find its roots in the doctrine of dual function is now simply renamed TNI dual function. Hence, as long as Indonesia does not remove this doctrine from the political system, the various riots and social unrest is an opportunity to further swell the three types of military business.

This model applies not only to the regions 'Summit' - the highest density of troops - but also for regions where there are no armed resistance movement, such as Jakarta. Over two years ago, when other business sectors slumped, arms actually experiencing a boom business. We still remember, how before the Plenary Session of BANG-RI, late April 2001, several members of the House of Representatives comes with a gun. Even a legislator exhibit anti-bullet vest in a German television. The atmosphere of fear that print berkimpah sustenance for the two companies, PT Armindo Prima and PT Budimanmaju Megah, which legally obtained permission to import firearms from the U.S., Britain, Germany, even from Brazil. The two importers are considered legal after graduating Police selection, BAIS / BIA, and the National Police Headquarters (Infobank, June 2001: 88-89).

What aroused the fears of the people's representatives? Gus Dur's supporters mass factor from East Java, which has threatened to wage jihad to Senayan, when Gus Dur was deposed, was part cause panic. But let's see, how the escalation of mass mobilization to increase after the fall of Suharto, with the rise of political thugs organization with various flags, flags both nationalist and Islamic flags, including the formation of Jihad paramilitary troops with thousands of members "stormed" to the Moluccas, we can conclude how unequal ' New Order's disease "that among all the factions in our country's political elite.

But in addition, we also need to look at, frequent bombings against targets of political and economic, in this metropolitan city itself, which rarely revealed the actors, via the courts are open. On the contrary, many times the bombing incident in Jakarta has been associated with the act of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), or members of soldiers who had defected to the GAM. Rarely public reminded, that outside the state-owned enterprises, such as PT Dahana, there are two children's Integration Suharto, who has not been revoked license to sell explosives specially-made PT Dahana, PT Multi Nitroma Kimia and PT Tridaya Esta (Aditjondro 2002 : 18). Thus, these companies can be considered a part of the "gray businesses" military, because of our close relationship with the institutional military business.

ARMY GRAY BUSINESS IN WEST PAPUA

For the purposes of this paper, I am deliberately not going to discuss both the first and second legs, namely the institutional business and non-institutional business, which has been discussed in depth by other authors (see Iswandi 2000 and Indria Samego et al 1998). I will specialize in the "gray businesses" raging military in Papua. The most common gray business which has been running for three decades in this area is hunting the various species of rare animals, like birds of paradise and crocodiles, as well as wildlife abounds in some places, such as deer species Merauke.

Culturally, hunting birds of paradise and the deer have very different effects. Habits to capture him alive, or preserve birds of paradise, very hurt Papuans. Because for them,. 'Yellow bird' - the popular term for the bird so that for ordinary people - a symbol of a chief (Aditjondro 2000: 142, 208-9, 213-5).

Conversely, hunting deer in Merauke, supported by local people participate, both from the indigenous tribes Marind and Kanum, nor transmigrants from Java. Not just because deer Merauke is not a native species, but rather derived from the Timor deer (Cervus Timorienses) which was introduced by the Netherlands and has been adapted to the savanna environment Merauke, but because it adds to their animal protein supply as well, and have a broad consumer because both the population who are Christian or Muslim does not proscribe venison. Even a deer jerky industry has grown in transmigration areas in Merauke. That is why, many local people willing to do for the results with local police officials they rifle rent (Aditjondro 2000: 78-9, 220).

Just keep in mind that the formaldehyde used to preserve thousands of birds of paradise that has been flown out from the Land of Papua, has been purchased from people's tax money. Similarly, the bullet that had been wasted in hunting deer in the savanna Merauke. In other words, people who mengsubsidi broad is the hunting of animals by soldiers, police, and they kakitangan in Papua. Not to mention the jet fuel and gasoline for the Hercules military jeep, when several high-ranking special military flight from Biak to Merauke, complete with hunting weapons, using military jeep that was flown by Hercules.

One negative aspect is also of the depletion of natural resources involving an army unit in Papua, is the tendency of the unit from outside it to be a protector, as well as collusion, with forest loggers with their regional origin. That is what I observed in Arso area, Jayapura regency, in the 1980s, when an army unit from Hasanuddin Kodam time became patron to illegal logging by the immigrants from South Sulawesi. To the extent that less ajarnya the 'guard dog' illegal loggers, so they dare to hit the Head of Forestry Office of West Papua that time, who caught it illegal logging and rebuked them (Aditjondro 2000: 202).

But one new business that began running since the late 1990s, which have a social impact far more devastating negative terms of preservation of the Papuans themselves, is a collection of aloes wood (Gonystylus spp.), A type of wood below the level fragrance of sandalwood ( remember Malay proverb:'ve aloes, sandalwood too; already know, ask also?). And indeed, after the Timorese sandalwood tree is almost extinct, many overseas traders to switch to wood aloes, for incense materials, as well as souvenirs. Exports to Singapore, Korea, China, even to Saudi Arabia (Leith 2000: 317; Soerianegara & Lemmens 1994: 222).

Mobilization of the people to collect wood gaharu, have been carried out by the army practically throughout Papua. In the area of mining works contract of PT Freeport Indonesia, Inc.., Practical gaharu tree felling has stopped, because it was almost extinct. But in addition to ecological impacts, which still must be investigated, aloes wood clearing in West Papua were correlated with the spread of HIV / AIDS prevalence in Tanah Papua.

You see, to persuade the people of Papua to cut down their aloes wood, various co-sponsored army 'transmigration' of sex workers from Java to Papua. Furthermore, the gaharu traders heading inland timber Merauke, brings with sex workers from the town of Merauke. The sex workers were working with traders, seduce the chiefs for having sex with them, for a fee that aloes wood. Quality eaglewood paid, a measure of the length of sexual services that can be obtained from males that eaglewood depositor. One kg of high-quality aloe, for instance, type 'cat eyes', making men aloes depositor can have sex all night long with the sex workers, while for low quality, only matched by sex service for one to two hours.

Perhaps, Papuan men who received sexual services from the opposite sex who is lighter skinned, are satisfied with the sexual satisfaction obtained. And what was received, no nothing compared with the price of Rp 500,000 to Rp 5 million kilogram, which can be obtained fragrant timber merchants who export it to Singapore and other markets in the world.

Anyway, through barter eaglewood with sex, HIV / AIDS, which was first discovered in Merauke in 1981, due to sex between two men sex workers in four Thai fishermen, increasingly spread to all parts of Papua. Until the end of August 2001, carrying 702 cumulative cases of HIV and AIDS, in which 125 people of whom have died. From the number of people living with HIV / AIDS, about 340 people age 28 years and below. People with HIV / AIDS was almost found in all city districts and subdistricts in West Papua, has even spread in mountainous regions such as in Puncak Jaya, Paniai and Jayawijaya.

Create the troops who served in Papua, the transport cost products Melanesian fauna and flora are rare and expensive it does not matter, because who would dare to do raid against luggage troops who would return to its original unity outside of Papua? They are easy to use facilities Hercules TNI / AU, or Adri ships, to the smooth piracy natural resources in Papua it. So therefore, Papuan genocide go hand in hand with ekosida (ecocide) their homeland.

Talking about ekosida and other ecological decadence, like it or not we thought back on penandusan process underway in the downstream Ajkwa, because deposition of tailings (mining waste) that each day continues to settle there. Ironically, the ecological catastrophe that could also be a source of windfall for the troops who served there, especially the Special Forces unit. It is they who become the backing for contractors felling of dead trees along the stream S. Ajkwa it.

Ajkwa downstream watershed, especially in Kali Coffee, which is still a lot of fish, once again a source of sustenance for the soldiers and fishermen there. Special Forces Unit who served there, hold the fish catches of the fishermen. Instead, the fishermen can buy gasoline from 'stall petrol' which is managed by the Special Forces unit who served there. Indeed, local fishermen have the advantage of cheap gasoline. But on the other hand, soldiers who doubles as gasoline and fish traders, thereby closing the business opportunity for foundations Kamoro tribe, who was trained by the PT FII to take advantage of local economic pie, through the contribution of one percent of all profits that foreign airlines in Papua.

Finally, under the rubric "Business Grey" is, we should also highlight the cost of protection to be paid by enterprises in Papua to the army units and police on duty there. Of course, from all business entities, PT Freeport Indonesia was the one who should pay for protection of the largest, with the presence of military and police personnel between 1000 and 4000 people (Leith 2000: 330-1), although officially only one battalion of the third joint forces stationed in the area of their work contract, with the largest KOSTRAD placing personnel there.

The cost of protection, there is a routine and there is incidental, ie, when there are dignitaries of the state visit there. About two weeks ago, when Kostrad General Ryamizard Ryacudu visit there, the cost of securing the special guests who presented to the financial PT FII magnitude is said to reach USD 90 million. Meanwhile, when Taufik Kiemas, husband of President Megawati Sukarnoputri, who is also a member of parliament to visit there, in September last year, accompanied by 45 representatives of the people, government officials, and journalists, the cost of special security entourage 'great room' that is said to reach USD 500 million. It's known, such a large group should be split into several squads, which were flown around the area of contract work PT FII, even to the Merauke region, with the helicopters, which it cost per hour is very high.

According to official records, PT FII budgeted Australia's A $ 35 million a year to provide a vehicle for the armed forces that keep the contract area of their work, build their barracks, and help build a Naval Station near the port city Amamapare. But according to documents supporting the lawsuit Tom Beanal, Chairman LEMASA, when he sued PT FII, the company also budgeted cost for the construction of military bases, checkpoints following a house for those who served in the posts, the parade ground, munitions storage, space mess soldier, electricity and drinking water facilities, tennis courts and volleyball, and flag pole. Meanwhile, according to an American journalist, Julian Evans, PT FII also hire two people 'advisors' from the TNI (Leith 2000: 330). Ironically, despite being secured by so abundant, the units deployed in the region still works contract to maintain the many side business, start from the monopoly of the sex business in Timika, gold panning in Ajkwa children, held a black market, and every months blackmail villages when they receive donations PT FII than one percent of the company's profits (Leith 2000: 322).

To maintain a high protection costs, the impression of insecurity Papua must be maintained. In this case, shift initiative Papua's independence struggle from Kelly Kwalik which is the 'commander' local Tepenal the Papuan Presidium Council, it is detrimental to military parties. Because the shift in tactics of armed struggle, with occasionally kidnap foreigners who enter the forest, to the demonstrations and peace marches in the city, where no foreigners were killed, damage the image of 'the vulnerable' it. Not to mention, shift security duties of the parties to the police forces.

Like write Georg Elwert (1999: 45):

A particular cost-effective form of mobilising Troops is to create fear. Hence, propaganda acts as an Important instruments of production. From an economic perspective, this cans give a point-to-Otherwise What would be pointless violence. The fear of retaliation by the Victims leaves no option open but to join the army or support it for one's own protection. Fear of Revenge stabilises the system.

CONCLUSIONS AND ADVICE-SUGGESTIONS

If properly review above, that behind the murder of Theys Hiyo Eluay - or murder Clemens Arnold Ap, 16 years earlier (see Aditjondro 2000: 138-56) - is the effort to maintain, and if possible, expand, military business in Papua, the prevention of recurrence of this kind of political assassinations, require a more comprehensive settlement, and not only formal juridical.

First of all, the Indonesian people should refuse to continuously burdened with the costs of the militarization of underemployment, the military businesses who depend on public facilities as well as bullets and weapons, which was also purchased from public money.

Second, military dual function is still being used to justify military intervention of all the social turmoil in Indonesia - including those triggered and driven by the military itself - had to be removed completely, as police and civilian government officials provided with the ability to resolve conflicts peacefully, through ballot box and not the bullet box.

All forms of institutional business and non-institutional involving units and 'rogue' military and retired military and police, should be encouraged to compete normally in the market, without relying on a variety of conveniences, and are not able to compete, should be closed only.

The number of our military personnel, which can only be financed from the state budget a quarter of their spending, which encourages the proliferation of various military business, it's time to be rationalized on the basis of strict criteria of professionalism, in which only those who are capable and have high integrity is maintained, while others prepared to return to midst of society as ordinary citizens.

Special respond to the political assassination of Theys Hiyo Eluay, it is time the people of Papua have the opportunity to fight for their aspirations through peaceful means, not to increase casualties, while also showing on the international world, that Indonesia is a civilized nation, not a barbarous nations, who want to maintain colonial legacy of a region, without the consent of the people who live in the boundaries of colonial territory.

Newcastle, 20 March 2002.

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